How Lee Kuan Yew made Singapore Asias least corrupt nation

By Wilson Lee Flores

  When I asked the nations top business leaders from John Gokongwei, Jr., Lucio Tan, Enrique Zobel to young tycoon Luis Miguel Aboitiz as to who they admire the most for enlightened leadership, they unanimously mentioned the name of 77-year-old Lee Kuan Yew, founding father of Singapore and now Senior Minister.

  Zobel says, "Lee is very straightforward, superhonest and he always knew what he was talking about. Lee Kuan Yew is a great leader whom I admire the most."

Lucio Tan explains: "Lee Kuan Yew has strong political will and selflessness as a leader." In fact, Gokongwei goes a step further, describing Lee as "the worlds greatest businessman." He adds: "Lee Kuan Yew is the greatest businessman, because he efficiently managed the Republic of Singapore like a successful giant corporation." Lee is an exceptional Asian leader who personifies excellent management, integrity and discipline.

  Even John Chambers, boss of global giant Cisco Systems, says: "There are two equalizers in life: the Internet and education. Senior Minister Lee Kuan Yew is a world leader who understands this and is using the power of the Internet to position Singapore for survival and success in the Internet economy."

Billionaire media tycoon Rupert Murdoch of News Corp. says, "More than 40 years ago, Lee Kuan Yew transformed what was a poor, decrepit colony into a shining, rich and modern metropolis ?all the time surrounded by hostile powers. With his brilliant, incisive intellect, he is one of the worlds most outspoken and respected statesmen."

  Former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher says: "In office, I read and analyzed his every speech. He had a way of penetrating the fog of propaganda and expressing with unique clarity the issues of our times and the way we tackle them. He was never wrong." Success In Stamping Out Corruption

One of the remarkable successes of Lee Kuan Yews management of Singapore is his making his nation the least corrupt in Asia, by institutionalizing "clean, no-money elections" and recruiting the best people into government. He says: "They must be paid a wage commensurate with what men of their ability and integrity are earning for managing a big corporation or successful legal or other professional practice. They have to manage a big corporation or successful legal or other professional practice. They have to manage a Singapore economy that yielded an annual growth rate of eight to nine percent in the last two decades, giving its citizens a per capita income that the World Bank rated in 1995 as ninth highest in the world." He debunked what Western liberals claimed about a free unfettered press exposing corruption, pointing out that the freewheeling press of India, the Philippines, Thailand, South Korea and Japan have not stopped pervasive corruption.

  One way Lee Kuan Yew cleaned up Singapore was by shaming corrupt officials. In fact, one of his cabinet ministers took his own life due to "loss of face" from corruption charges. "We had established a climate of opinion which looked upon corruption in public office as a threat to society." Lee laments that in much of Asia, corruption has become a way of life for government officials. He said: "The higher they are, the bigger their homes and more numerous their wives or mistresses, all bedecked in jewelry appropriate to the power and position of their men." Another method Lee used to stamp out corruption ?in 1960, his government allowed the courts to treat proof that an accused was living beyond his means or had property his income could not explain as corroborating evidence that the accused had accepted or obtained a bribe," Lee explains. Surviving Malaysian Expulsion, Accounts Of World Leaders

  On a recent visit to Singapore, I called the office of Senior Minister Lee Kuan Yew who was then in America. I had requested the statesman to autograph my copy of his latest 778-page memoir entitled From Third Word to First, The Singapore Story: 1965-2000. His secretary explained that Lees autograph is worth 10,000 Singapore dollars for each signed book, and that the proceeds would be donated to charities. Even in such a seemingly minor detail as the cost of an autographed book, Lee had a specific plan which reflected his pragmatic business-like ways, his efficiency and his public service.

The memoir is an eloquent chronicle of Lee Kuan Yews extensive experiences in statecraft, politics and international diplomacy. In 1965, when the Muslim majority Malaysia expelled Singapore and forced it to exist as a city-state with no natural resources or army, few people gave it much chance of survival. The world has many tiny states which have languished in obscurity, with even resource-rich small stakes like Nauru mired in problems. In 1965, the Sydney Morning Herald said: "An independent Singapore was not regarded as viable three years ago. Nothing in the current situation suggests that it is more viable today." The Sunday Times of Britain said in 1965 also predicted the eventual collapse of Singapore without British aid. Today, after decades of good governance and struggle, Singapore is a thriving nation with the worlds fourth highest per capita income.

  In this latest book, Lee fearlessly expresses his ideas, seeking "to be correct, not politically correct." He is unapologetic for his aggressive responses to his political opponents, his often unorthodox views on Western-style democratic systems, the Western concepts of human rights. Lee also recounts his impressions of nations, leaders and historic events as diverse as Indonesia from Suharto to President Wahid, Thailand, the Sultan of Brunei, Vietnam, Myanmar, Cambodia, British leaders, Japan, America to Taiwan, Hong Kong and others. He advised Wahid: "I said if he expected his ministers to be honest, they had to be paid so that they could live up to their status without corruption." In acerbic Lee Kuan Yew style, he describes Margaret Thatcher, Ronald Reagan, Chinas poetry-quoting Jiang Zemin, the late Mao Zedong (whom he likened to first Chinese emperor Qinshihuang), the incorruptible Zhu Rongji to the bold reformer Deng Xiaoping (whom he remembers as "a five-footer but a giant among men"). Impressions Of Marcos, Cory And Philippine Problems

Among the most interesting parts of the book were Lee Kuan Yews references to the Philippines and his sadness that our talented nation could suffer so many socio-political and economic troubles. An anecdote recounts the 1985 official trip to Washington, DC where State Secretary George Shultz asked Lee to convince President Ronald Reagan that his old friend Ferdinand Marcos was then the problem of the Philippines, not the solution. During the EDSA uprising the following year 1986, when the US government asked Lees opinions, he said America should not accept a fraudulent election, and put pressure on Marcos to call new elections. In those days, Lee feared a prolonged crisis might cause bloodshed and chaos, he worried that Marcos might fight it out if he had no place to go, so he invited Marcos to take political asylum in Singapore. Instead of accepting Lees offer, Marcos accepted Reagans offer of asylum in Hawaii, where he later encountered many lawsuits. When Marcos sent a message to Lee wanting to flee to Singapore, it was already too late and President Aquino objected.

  Lee Kuan Yew is blunt and honest in his assessments of our leaders. He says that Imelda "had a penchant for luxury and opulence. When they (Marcos and Imelda) visited Singapore... they came in style in two DC-8s, his and hers." On Corazon C. Aquino, Lee says: "I had hopes that this honest, god-fearing woman would help regain confidence for the Philippines and get the country back on track... She was a sincere, devout Catholic." He had the impression that President Aquino believed that democracy would solve the countrys economic and social problems. The Aquino government created a Constitution that was once again inspired by the American model. Lee asked the rhetorical question: Is there no incompatibility between the American-type separation of powers with the culture and habits of the Filipino people that had caused so much problems for all past presidents? Lee got the impression from our leaders that there was none.

  There are three things which Lee believes have hampered Philippine progress. First, the traditional power elite who have a detached attitude towards the sufferings of the masses, similar to the mestizo hacienderos of other former Spanish colonies in Latin America. Another obstacle to progress is overpopulation due to the Catholic Church opposition to birth control, which aggravates the poverty crisis. A third obstacle to progress is what Lee describes as "a soft, forgiving culture." His example of this is the case of the Marcoses, who had been accused of pillaging the nation for 20 years, but they are now back. Lee is even puzzled that the late General Fabian Ver was given by the Estrada government military honors at his burial.

  This Singaporean statesman laments that many political and other troubles have hampered Philippine economic progress. He writes: "This was a pity because they had so many able people, educated in the Philippines and the US. Their workers were English-speaking, at least in Manila. There was no reason why the Philippines should not have been one of the more successful ASEAN countries. In the 1950s and 1960s, it was the most developed, because America had been generous in rehabilitating the country after the war... Some Filipinos write and speak with passion. If they could get their elite to share their sentiments, what could they not have achieved?"

李光耀如何建立亚洲最廉洁国家？

● 威尔逊·李·弗洛雷斯

　　当我问国内的商业界领袖，包括小约翰·戈孔韦（John Gokongwei, Jr），陈永栽，恩里克·索韦尔（Enrique Zobel）和路易斯·米格尔·阿沃伊蒂斯（Luis Miguel Aboitiz），谁是他们最钦佩的最具有启发性的领袖这个问题时，他们的答案是一致的——77岁的李光耀资政，新加坡的建国之父。

　　索韦尔说：“李光耀非常直接和坦率，而且总是言之有物。他是一个伟大的领袖，也是我最崇敬的领袖。”

　　卢西奥则说：“李光耀是一个无私和具有坚强政治决心的领导人。”

　　戈孔韦更进一步的形容李光耀为“世界上最伟大的企业家”。“因为他治理新加坡的效率，就像在管理一个庞大的商业集团。”

　　李光耀是亚洲一位优异的领袖。他是卓越管理、刚正不阿和自律精神的体现。

　　思科系统总裁约翰·钱伯斯说：“人类生命里有两个平衡要素：互联网和教育。李光耀资政身为世界领导人，深明这个道理，并善于利用互联网的力量，让新加坡在网络经济里重新定位，求存，成功。”

　　新闻集团主席兼总裁鲁珀特·默多克说：“过去四十多年，李光耀把一个贫困衰弱的殖民地发展成富裕兴盛、光芒四射的现代大都会，期间充满敌意的列强始终虎视耽耽。他才识过人，聪明敏锐，是世界上一位最能直抒己见又德高望重的政治家。”

　　前英国首相撒切尔夫人说：“在执政期间，我阅读和分析李光耀的每一篇演讲。他能够看透宣传的迷雾，也能以无比清晰的思路去分析当代的课题，并有办法加以解决。他从不会错。”

　　李光耀最出色的政绩之一，是建立了一个“廉洁，不涉及金钱的选举制度”和甄选最有才干的人才加入政府，使新加坡成为亚洲最廉洁的国家。他说：“他们的工资，必须跟能力和正直程度同他们相似的人管理大公司、成功的法律楼或从事其他专业所获得的收入相当。在他们的管理下，新加坡经济过去20年来每年增长了8到9%。据世界银行评估，1995年新加坡公民的人均国内生产总值在世界上排名第九位。”

　　他驳斥西方自由主义人士的论点：报章完全不受约束就能暴露贪污，有助于使政府廉洁诚实。他指出，在印度、菲律宾、泰国、南韩以及日本的电视和报章可以为所欲为，却杜绝不了猖獗和根深蒂固的贪污。

　　公开揭发贪污官员是李光耀保持新加坡廉洁的方法之一。一位部长因为贪污指控感到“丢脸”而自杀。他说：“我们已经建立起舆论的氛围：人们把担任公职贪污受贿的人看成社会公敌。”

　　对于在大部分的亚洲地区，政府官员贪污已经成为一种生活方式，他感到可悲。“他们的地位越高，妻妾情妇便越多，房子也越大，女人们佩戴的首饰都跟男人的权力和地位相配。”

　　另外，李光耀的政府在1960年修订法律条文，控方一旦证明被告生活阔气，超过他的收入所能承受的程度，或是拥有同收入不相称的财产，法庭就可以以此作为被告已经受贿的佐证。

　　最近到新加坡时，我打电话到李光耀的办公室。他当时身在美国。我请求这位政治家为我的一本李光耀回忆录下册签名。他的秘书向我解释，每本由李光耀亲笔签名的回忆录下册，价值是一万新元，售书的所有收入则将捐给慈善机构。即使是在这样的细节上，李光耀也作了具体的计划，充分反映了他务实和有条不紊的作风、效率和公共服务精神。

　　回忆录对李光耀的治国才能、政治和国际外交的丰富经验有生动流畅的记载。

　　1965年，当新加坡被回教徒占大多数的马来西亚逐出，成为一个没有天然资源和军队的城市国家时，没有几个人认为它能生存下去。全球有许多默默无闻的小国家，就算资源丰富的西太平洋岛国瑙鲁，也面对重重困难。

　　那年，《悉尼先驱晨报》写道：“三年前，新加坡独立是行不通的概念。从目前的情况看来，它依然是行不通的。”

　　英国的《星期日泰晤士报》预测，没有英国的援助，新加坡最终将垮掉。

　　今天，经过三四十年的良好管理和奋斗，新加坡已经成为一个繁荣的国家。新加坡公民的人均国内生产总值在世界上排名第四位。

　　在回忆录的下册，李光耀无畏的表达了他的想法，尝试“做到凡事正确，但却不是政治上正确”。他对自己对政敌的强烈回应，对西方民主制度和人权观念的独特见解，从来不感到抱歉。

　　李光耀也在书中谈到他对一些国家、领袖和历史事件的看法，包括苏哈多、印尼总统瓦希德、泰国、文莱苏丹、越南、缅甸、柬埔寨、英国领导人、日本、美国、台湾和香港等等。

　　他向瓦希德提出忠告：“我说，他要部长们当清官，就得确保他们获得足够的报酬，不必贪污也能过得合乎身分地位。”

　　以他独特的方式，他描述了撒切尔夫人、里根、喜欢引用诗句的中国国家主席江泽民、已故中共领袖毛泽东（李光耀将他比作中国第一位皇帝秦始皇）、正直廉洁的朱（金容）基和中国改革开放的总设计师邓小平（在李光耀的记忆中，尽管邓只有五英尺高，却是人中之杰）。

　　李光耀也在书中提及菲律宾。对于菲律宾拥有许多人才，却频频面对社会、政治和经济问题，他感到惋惜。

　　李光耀叙述他在1985年到华盛顿作正式访问时，当时的美国国务卿舒尔茨要求他说服里根总统，告诉后者他的老朋友马可斯是菲律宾问题的症结所在，不是解决问题的答案。1986年，暴动发生后，美国政府征求李光耀的意见。李光耀认为美国不应该接受一个出现舞弊的选举，应该向马可斯施加压力，要他重新举行选举。李光耀担心延长危机会带来流血和混乱的局面，马可斯如果走投无路也可能斗争到底。因此，他邀请马可斯到新加坡寻求政治庇护。然而，马可斯却接受里根的邀请，飞往夏威夷。在那里，他面对了多起诉讼。马可斯后来给李光耀送来便条，要求逃到新加坡。但是，一切已经太迟了，科拉桑总统也反对。

　　李光耀率直和公正的评估了菲律宾的领导人。他说马可斯夫人伊美黛“崇尚豪华阔绰的生活。当他们（马可斯和伊美黛）到访新加坡时，两人个乘一架DC-8型专机抵步，派头十足。”

　　至于科拉桑，他说：“我对这名诚实、虔诚的妇女寄予厚望，相信她能帮助菲律宾重拾信心，步上正轨……她是个虔诚的天主教徒。”

　　李光耀的印象是科拉桑相信有了民主，一切的经济和社会问题都能迎刃而解。科拉桑政府完成了一个以美国为榜样的宪法。李光耀提出一个问题：难道美式分权概念和菲律宾人民的文化习俗之间就真的没有相互矛盾之处，并曾给马可斯之前的历届总统制造过麻烦吗？李光耀得到的印象是显然没有。

　　李光耀相信有三个原因阻碍了菲律宾的发展。

　　一、传统的精英阶层对普通人的苦难无动于衷，就像拉丁美洲大庄园的西班牙混血儿对待他们的奴隶一样，高高在上。

　　二、人口过多。这是因为天主教会不鼓励节育，结果贫穷加剧。

　　三、李光耀形容它为一种“宽恕待人的温和文化”。他举马可斯家族为例子。马可斯被指敛财穷国超过20年，他的遗孀和孩子却能获准回国参政。埃斯特拉达政府为阿奎诺遭暗杀时负责保安事务的武装部队总司令费维安·弗尔举行军队葬礼，也令李光耀感到费解。

　　许多政治和其他问题防碍了菲律宾的经济发展，李光耀感到非常惋惜。他写道：“菲律宾拥有许多在国内和美国受教育的人才，它们的员工都能说英语，至少在马尼拉是如此。菲律宾没有理由无法成为亚细安比较成功的国家之一。在五六十年代，因为美国慷慨资助菲律宾战后的重建工作，菲律宾曾是本区域最发达的国家……有一些菲律宾人的言论笔锋充满澎湃的感情。如果他们能在思想感情上引起国内精英的共鸣并付诸行动，还有什么事情难得倒他们？”

　　原载《菲律宾星报》。叶琦保译